You are analytical and logical and remain like this in any situation which is profitable for you. Your methods through life are clever and thorough, and you like when others follow your example. Also, people can be envious of your intuition, as supported by consistent logic it leads you through your journey.
Person like you is perfect for science, researching and studying. You never make superficial judgments, your mind works the way that it needs to search for proofs, so the opinions you have are authoritative most of the time. You just can't and don't want to make silly presumptions about anything, as you prefer rough fact over lucky suggestion.
Person like you may succeed in any field that includes research, science and decision-making. You are not emotionally generous, though you try to share your feelings, but most of the time you can't shape them into words good enough.
However, you are very sensitive and your feelings are bright and deep. Your mind often prevents you from doing what you really want to do. Once done, participants were asked for various demographic data, including their birthdays.
Analysis of the letter preference data revealed a name-letter effect: For each number, the researchers first calculated the mean liking by participants who did not have that number in their birthday. These means served as a baseline. For each participant 50 relative liking scores were computed between the baseline of a number and the actual preference.
The effect was stronger for higher numbers, over 12, than for lower numbers. The effect was weakest for males and their birth month only a 0. Overall, women showed a greater liking for the numbers in their birthday than men did. Kitayama and Karasawa concluded that the patterns in the findings from both experiments were most consistent with the hypothesis that the preference is due to an attachment to the self.
These feelings leak out to stimuli that are closely associated with the self, not just names and birthdates, but also, implicitly, their constituent letters and numbers. The researchers suggested that the effect is stronger for higher numbers because in daily life these numbers are less saturated with other meanings, other than their associations with birthdays.
An alternative explanation for the birthday-number effect that had to be tested is mere exposure. If it were true that the numbers in one's birthday are used disproportionately in one's daily life, then the preference for numbers in one's birthday could simply be a preference for what is most frequent.
Zajonc found in his s and s lab studies that familiarity can strongly influence preference, and coined the term "mere exposure effect".
Kitayama and Karasawa concluded that Japanese people do indeed have warm feelings towards themselves, just like Americans and Europeans, but that these feelings are masked when explicitly asked for. They speculated that the reason for this masking lies in the Japanese tendency to attend to negative, undesirable features by way of improving the self.
By , Kitayama and Karasawa's original study had been cited in over scientific papers. The first follow-up study looked at cultural differences. In their paper presented at the American Psychological Association 's annual conference in Chicago, in August , they reported the same result: They did find a much stronger effect though, which according to the researchers could be due to Americans' tendency towards self-enhancement.
The second follow-up study was done in by Kitayama and Uchida. They sought to investigate the relationship between a person's name-letter effect and his or her birthday-number effect, given that Kitayama and Karasawa had suspected a single driving force behind both.
As they had predicted, Kitayama and Uchida found that within a person the two effects were correlated.
In , Bosson, Swann and Pennebaker tested seven measures of implicit self-esteem, including the birthday-number task and name-letter task, and four measures of explicit self-esteem.
On average, respondents scored their birthday number 0. When the researchers retested all seven implicit self-esteem measures, the birthday-number task was one of three that produced similar results. Later studies investigated aspects of the effect. Koole, Dijksterhuis, and van Knippenberg sought to explore how automatic the preference process was.
Birthday-number effect - Wikipedia
They did this with both numbers and letters. They divided participants into two groups. The first group was asked to give quick, intuitive reactions stating preferences for the stimuli. The second group was asked to reason why they liked some numbers better than others and to analyse which features of the numbers they liked.
They argued that thinking about reasons instigates deliberative overriding of implicit self-esteem effects. Jones, Pelham, Mirenberg, and Hetts investigated how the effect held up under so-called 'threats' to the self.
Earlier research by Koole, Smeets, van Knippenberg, and Dijksterhuis had already shown that the name-letter effect is influenced by a perceived threat. What they found was consistent with previous findings: This is predicted by the theory of unconscious self-enhancement. It can not be explained by mere exposure theory. Nickell, Pederson, and Rossow looked for effects with significant years.
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They asked 83 undergraduate students to rate, on a scale from 1 to 7, how much they liked the years between and , the months of the year, the seasons, times of day, and even types of pet in an attempt to disguise the aim of the study. Analysis of the data showed that participants liked the year of their birth much more than the average of the four years after they were born.
The researchers also found that the year of high school graduation was also liked better than average.
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Of the months of the year, the most liked month was the one in which the participants were born. Falk, Heine, Takemura, Zhang and Hsu investigated the validity of implicit self-esteem measures to assess cultural differences.
They asked participants from six countries to rate numbers between 1 and They found that in countries where gifts are exchanged on 24 December participants disproportionately preferred the number 24, whereas in countries that do this on 25 December participants preferred In psychological assessments , the birthday-number effect has been exploited to measure implicit self-esteem.
There is no standard method for applying the task. The most commonly used one is a rating task, which involves having participants judge all the numbers under a certain threshold typically over 31 to mask the purpose of assessing connections to dates , indicating how much they like them on a 7-point rating scale.
At least six algorithms are in use. In their meta-analysis of the name-letter effect, Stieger, Voracek, and Formann recommend using the ipsatized double-correction algorithm. Stieger, Voracek, and Formann recommend that the task involve both letter preference and number preference, that it be administered twice, and that the instructions focus on liking rather than attractiveness.
Researchers have looked for wider implications of the birthday-number effect on preferences, both inside and outside the lab. They looked at people who were born on 2 February, 3 March, 4 April, etc.
Simonsohn tried to replicate the finding in different ways but without success. He found no effect of just the day of birthday on the town e. He also found no effect of birthday number on street, address, or apartment number.
Jones, Pelham, Carvallo and Mirenberg investigated the influence of number preference on interpersonal attraction.
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In a lab study they showed US participants text profiles of people. The profiles came with a prominently displayed, seemingly arbitrary code that was explained as merely to help the researchers keep track of the profiles. One half of the participants were shown a code that matched their birthday e.
All participants were shown exactly the same profile. They had to rate how much they thought they would like the person in the profile. The results showed that participants liked the profiles significantly more when the code matched their own birthday numbers. They used statewide marriage records to conclude that people disproportionately marry people who share their birthday numbers.
Coulter and Grewal investigated if the birthday-number effect could be exploited in sales and marketing. Over participants of an online survey were asked about an advertisement for a pasta dinner, where the price was secretly matched to the day of the month of their birthday. The researchers found that matching numbers increased price liking and purchase intention.
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When introducing a perceived threat to the self into the task, they found an exaggerated effect. They manipulated the prices in advertisements for pizza and a music streaming service to match the birthday day, year of the participants in their lab study.
They did not find any disproportionate liking of matching prices, neither for the year the participant was born in or the day. Keller and Gierl concluded that there must be some prerequisites such as priming stimuli to trigger the effect, although they suggested it is possible that their participants, who all happened to have been born between and , saw their birthyear as price so often in real life that it had become too common.
Smeets used name and birthday matching in a product-liking experiment.
He made up product names for a DVD that matched both part of the participant's name and his or her birthday. He found that high self-esteem participants liked products more if the product names were self-relevant than if they were not.
He also found the opposite happened among low self-esteem participants: From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. For yearly variation in mortality rates, see Birthday effect. Bellos' explanation was that in both the East and the West odd numbers tend to have more spiritual significance than even ones.
But as Bosson, Swann, and Pennebaker later argued, this does not control for common preference effects. These people rated him more favourably than the control group. Jiang, Hoegg, Dahl and Chattopadhyay examined the role of a salesperson and a potential customer knowingly sharing a birthday in a sales context.
They found such an incidental similarity can result in a higher intention to purchase. This persuasive effect stems from the need for connectedness.
Some participants were led to believe they shared a birthday with the requester, who asked for an overnight critique of an eight-page English paper.
Participants reacted in a heuristic fashion, acting as if they were dealing with a friend. Alex Through the Looking Glass: From Japan to the United States".